COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — A battle for political control of the Ohio House has exposed the risks facing the Republican Party as factions exercise their legislative clout more on tactics and a willingness to thwart long-held institutional norms than on politics. fight.
Six weeks ago, Republican Jason Stephens, a second-term Representative from rural southern Ohio, scored a surprise bipartisan victory for Speaker over Rep. Derek Merrin. Since then, Stephens’ critics have garnered headline after headline with their maneuvers — even as a single law remains to be passed. This includes the crucial and time-critical state budget.
And the arguments don’t seem to be over yet. As Stephens prepares to finally unveil Republican session priorities on Wednesday, a group of GOP lawmakers who have opposed him — calling themselves the “Republican Majority Committee” — have not ruled him out over control of the caucus -Sue the campaign fund.
The faction wants a judge to clarify whether the speaker of the House of Representatives and the faction leader must necessarily be the same person. While Ohio law doesn’t appear to require it, Stephens has claimed he is both.
“I’m the Speaker of the House, the Chairman of the Republican Caucus, and I look forward to us getting ready and moving forward,” Stephens told reporters after successfully passing House Rules on Jan. 24 during a typically tedious procedural session . got loud.
“We have our house in order now,” he declared, even as Merrin supporters stood nearby, claiming violations of the constitution and rules. These included Stephens neglecting to have her speak on the floor – a time-honoured tool of speakers everywhere – and the session starting at 2:05 p.m. instead of 2 p.m
It’s all part of a growing series of attacks against Stephens and the Republican representatives who have backed him, who are messing up the legislature in a state where the GOP runs every branch of state government and twice has Republican Donald Trump by a wide margin to the president has chosen.
The fight included a declared takeover of the GOP caucus by Merrin’s camp, a call for resignation from Stephens, censorship of Stephens and his GOP supporters by the Ohio Republican Party Central Committee, and allegations of attack from one of several PACs from the same party that are now starting fights their re-elections.
“Right now there’s a lot of people who feel like they don’t have a voice because the Democrats elected the Speaker of the House,” Merrin told reporters on the day he claimed responsibility for the caucus and its fundraiser, despite Stephens The Associated Press has not yet obtained a record of this closed vote in response to their inquiries.
Fractures are a known risk of supermajority rule.
Aristotle Hutras, who served as executive secretary to the late Speaker of the Ohio Democratic House of Representatives Vernal Riffe, who headed the chamber from 1975 to 1995, recalled the legendary Ohio politician vocalizing concern after his party won 62 from 1982 99 seats: “That could be a lot of guys.” Republicans have 67 this year.
“Even Vern Riffe, historically the longest-serving speaker in Ohio history, knew that governing with too large a majority could be difficult,” said Hutras, who was a junior caucus staffer in 1982. “When there are too many in a caucus, every man is a king.”
Hutras said Riffe quickly resolved conflicts by going straight to work.
Merrin’s group believes math is on their side. 43 out of 67 Republicans in the House of Representatives supported him as speaker, a clear majority of the faction. But 22 dropped out and backed Stephens, defying the results of an informal speakers’ poll in November and aligning themselves with all 32 House Democrats.
Obviously clueless, angry and stung, the Merrin camp went on the offensive. Though Merrin has a two-year term, many of his allies are new lawmakers whose ability to make a name for themselves could depend on financial backing from the caucus.
They called on the state party’s central committee to condemn Stephens and those who voted for him, including withholding future party support and campaign funds. The panel didn’t go quite that far, but it voted to censure the 22 lawmakers — as they did after then-US Rep. Anthony Gonzalez voted to impeach Trump.
Their resolution portrayed the Democrats as enemies, with a “dangerous and perverse” agenda that Stephens and the others had now prevented from blocking the Republicans.
Targeted lawmakers pushed back. State Representative Bill Seitz, a longtime Republican from Cincinnati, said his record as a conservative is clear. State Rep. Sara Carruthers chided Merrin in an interview with the Dayton Daily News, calling him a crybaby who couldn’t stand being outmaneuvered.
State Assemblyman Jon Cross joked to the USA Today Network’s Ohio bureau, “What you’re telling me is I’m a Republican who voted for a Republican Speaker, and the state’s Republican party is reprimanding me? Sounds like the Dips—s are running the asylum.”
The Ironton Tribune, based in the county seat where Stephens is a former commissioner and comptroller, called the censorship “juvenile” and “politics at its worst.”
“(T)there seems no interest here in dismissing the outlandish rhetoric and acting like the adults in the room,” they wrote.
The newspaper called on Republican Gov. Mike DeWine to speak out and urge the party to “actually get things done in Columbus.”
DeWine, an established Republican whose support for Trump was lukewarm, has faced his own share of clashes with the state Central Committee — where opponents of his aggressive early response to the coronavirus have grown in number. He said he stays out of it.
Its budget bill, a $57.5 billion plan for government spending over the two years beginning July 1, is among House bills pending — although some committee activity on the proposal has begun.
The differences between Stephens and Merrin appear to largely concern stylistic decisions, including how quickly a vote should be taken that would make it more difficult to change the Ohio constitution and whether, for example, Ohio’s income tax should be abolished altogether should.
Trade unions are an important exception. Stephens is questioning a so-called “backpack law” that would extend Ohio’s vouchers to all schoolchildren, including those attending private schools, and appears to have declined to introduce an anti-union “right to work” bill at this session, which is a priority had been from Merrin .
Groups advocating for parental rights, a burgeoning Republican priority nationally, have used union donations to try to connect Stephens and his leadership team with former Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder over the matter Corruption is on trial in Cincinnati. They’re putting the group in the pockets of “Big Labour”, including the same teachers’ unions who have backed Householders and opposed the backpack law.
“Ohio voters went to the polls in November and overwhelmingly voted statewide for an agenda that would return parental rights in education, get a grip on government spending and cut taxes on everything from gasoline to Groceries,” said an anti-Stephens column Ohio Value Voters distributed last week. “Now, with control of the Speaker’s gavel based on Democrat support, that agenda appears to have taken a significant hit.”
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Samantha Hendrickson is a corps member for the Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that brings journalists into local newsrooms to cover undercover topics.
Julie Carr Smyth and Samantha Hendrickson, The Associated Press
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